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Dynamics In Drug Coverage Of Medicare Beneficiaries: Finders, Losers, Switchers
Although the vast majority of elderly Americans have the stability of basic Medicare benefits, Medicare alone offers no protection from the vicissitudes of the market for outpatient prescription drugs. This paper analyzes the sources and stability of prescription coverage maintained by Medicare beneficiaries in 1995 and 1996. The results show that fewer than half of all beneficiaries had continuous drug coverage over this period, while nearly a third gained, lost, or had spells without coverage.
As the debate over a Medicare prescription drug benefit intensifies, policymakers need sound information about current levels of drug coverage maintained by program beneficiaries. Although nearly 70 percent of all beneficiaries are reported to have drug coverage, the stability of that coverage has been questioned.1 Stability of health insurance has long been recognized as an important issue facing working Americans.2 Workers who have experienced spells without insurance are more likely to encounter access and cost problems, are more likely to postpone needed care, and are less satisfied with the health care that they do receive. In a previous study we showed that one in five Medicare beneficiaries with drug coverage in 1996 had it for only part of the year and that these individuals had levels of drug use and spending that were well below those of persons with full-year drug coverage.3 In this paper we explore the sources of instability by examining the characteristics of persons who lost, found, or switched drug benefits between January 1995 and December 1996. The selection of a two-year time frame helps to distinguish persons who are true losers and gainers from those who move into and out of coverage over time. It also enables us to capture changes in drug coverage that occur at the beginning of the calendar year, when many organizations make benefit decisions. All previous studies of Medicare beneficiaries drug coverage have analyzed annual data and are thus blind to shifts in coverage that cross calendar years. For beneficiaries whose drug coverage changed over the study time frame, we identify the sources of their drug benefits and analyze factors that might explain the shifts in coverage. Although the data do not permit us to distinguish voluntary behavior from forced decisions, we pay particular attention to factors such as personal income, geographic location, and burden of chronic illness, which may indicate problems in access to drug benefits. The results demonstrate that policymakers concerns about the stability of drug coverage for Medicare beneficiaries are well founded.
As in our prior work, the data source for this study is the Medicare Current Beneficiary Survey (MCBS).4 We used the latest available data to track the drug coverage patterns of a cohort of community-dwelling MCBS respondents represented in the survey for all of 1995 and 1996. This continuous sample is not strictly representative of the entire noninstitutionalized Medicare population because we excluded new Medicare enrollees and persons who died.5 However, statistical tests indicate that the characteristics of our cohort of 6,185 MCBS respondents closely match those of the general Medicare population as of 1996.6 To highlight the full spectrum of drug coverage dynamics, we classified cohort members into seven mutually exclusive categories that describe the duration and consistency of their prescription coverage: (1) continuous plans, (2) sequential plans, (3) lost coverage, (4) found coverage, (5) intermittent coverage, (6) some coverage but not reported, and (7) no coverage.7 Assignment into the categories was made according to responses to MCBS questions about Medicare supplemental insurance. Respondents were asked to list all active supplementary insurance plans, the plans beginning and end dates, and whether prescription drugs were covered.8 If the beneficiary indicated drug coverage, we assumed that it was maintained throughout the entire duration of the source plan or until the beneficiary reported that the coverage had ended. Respondents were also asked who paid for each filled prescription. A small number of respondents reported third-party drug payments but no drug coverage. To simplify the analysis, we assumed that prescription coverage extended for the full month in any month when a beneficiary lost, found, or switched coverage. These assumptions impart a slight upward bias to the drug coverage rates reported here. Finally, we used regression analysis to determine the independent contribution of personal characteristics to an individuals classification into a drug coverage group.9 Only associations that are significant at conventional levels of statistical significance (p < .05) are reported here.
Exhibit 1
The percentage of beneficiaries maintaining continuous prescription benefits (in either the same plan or successive plans) over two years is 46.3, six percentage points lower than those doing so in a single year (52.7 percent). This population comprises two groups: a dominant class of beneficiaries with coverage from the same plan or plans, and a smaller group of persons with successive plans and no break in coverage.11 The number of beneficiaries having continuous coverage through multiple, part-year plans more than doubles when we follow them from one to two years.
Nearly one in three beneficiaries had gaps in their prescription coverage at some point during the two years, compared with 16.7 percent in 1995 (Exhibit 1
Exhibit 2
Strongest predictors. The strongest predictors of prescription drug coverage are geographic residence, income, and the burden of chronic illness. Beneficiaries living in the western United States had the highest coverage rates for both continuous and partial-year benefits, and beneficiaries in the Midwest, the lowest. Independent of all other factors, where one lives can boost the probability of having drug coverage by up to 300 percent. Residence in a state with a pharmaceutical assistance program increases the probability of continuous coverage by nearly 60 percent and that of partial coverage by almost 20 percent. Residing in an urban area increases the likelihood of having either continuous or part-year coverage by almost 90 percent compared with rural residence. As one would expect, high income is a positive predictor of having drug coverage, and low income, of being without it. There is also a strong positive association between drug coverage and the burden of chronic illness. The probability of having continuous drug coverage increases by approximately 20 percent for each additional chronic condition reported. Other factors such as age, race, and ethnicity are insignificant in the multivariate analyses.
Importance of coverage source.
Regression results comparing persons with continuous coverage and coverage gaps produced some provocative and unexpected results (since every individual in both groups had some source of drug benefits, we included variables for insurance type in this model). Although about half of all beneficiaries with continuous coverage obtained it from an employer-sponsored plan (see Exhibit 2 Finders, losers, and switchers. We also performed regression analysis to ascertain differences in characteristics of beneficiaries who found, lost, and had intermittent drug coverage. Finders tended to be younger, live in the West and in urban areas, and have lower incomes compared with those who have no coverage. There is no evidence that health status or burden of chronic illness played a major role in determining who obtained prescription drug coverage in 1995 and 1996. Comparing losers with those having continuous plans paints a very different picture. The 7.4 percent of beneficiaries who lost drug coverage over the biennium were older, less likely to have poverty-level incomes, more likely to reside in the Midwest, and have a much lower burden of chronic disease. The type of prescription drug coverage held before the loss is an important factor. Losers were much more likely to have Medigap or Medicare HMO coverage than other sources of coverage. Persons with public coverage were much less likely to lose drug benefits. The 8 percent of the cohort with intermittent drug coverage over the biennium were much more likely to have had a spell of coverage from a private plan than from a public program. This is consistent with the finding noted above that enrollment in public programs is predictive of continuity in coverage. Regression analysis showed that males were about 25 percent more likely than females were to have intermittent drug coverage. Persons with annual incomes below $10,000 were 2.5 times as likely to have intermittent coverage as persons with incomes exceeding $50,000 were. Persons residing in a state with a pharmaceutical assistance program were about 40 percent less likely than residents of other states were to have intermittent drug coverage. Nonreporters. The final category of beneficiaries with part-year coveragethose with evidence of some coverage but not reporting itrepresent an anomalous group. Compared with the continuously covered, the 4 percent of beneficiaries in this category reported being in poorer health and having many more concurrent chronic conditions (35 percent reported four or more chronic conditions compared with just 23 percent for the continuously covered). Other significant factors predictive of this class are sex (males were more likely to not report coverage), residence in rural areas, and annual incomes below $30,000.
Exhibit 3
Persons in the other coverage status groups were considerably more dynamic in their behavior than was the continuously covered group (Exhibit 3
Exhibit 4
Other private sources of drug coverage are also unstable. The slight increase in proportion of beneficiaries reporting Medigap drug benefits from January 1995 to December 1996 belies the turnover evident in between. Overall, only 48 percent of beneficiaries who began with an individual Medigap drug benefit ended with one. The retention rate for health maintenance organization (HMO) enrollees fell between that for beneficiaries with employer coverage and Medigap policies. Three-quarters of the January 1995 HMO enrollees also reported an HMO drug benefit in December 1996, and 89 percent of these maintained one continuously but not necessarily from the same plan. Public programs exhibited much lower turnover rates than private sources of drug coverage did. Medicaid enrollment rose slightly over the biennium, and just 16 percent of January recipients failed to maintain Medicaid coverage through to December of the next year. Beneficiaries with drug coverage through a QMB Plus or SLMB Plus program were less likely to maintain continuous coverage from this source (79 percent did so). New recipients account for most of the change in enrollments in other public plans offering drug coverage.
We wrap up our analysis by examining month-to-month changes in drug coverage (Exhibit 5
We analyzed the composition of these month-to-month changes, to identify the sources and targets of prescription drug coverage. The bubble in coverage rates during the early summer months of 1995 was driven by Medicare beneficiaries adding drug benefits from employer-sponsored and Medigap plans in May and June. Coverage losses from employer plans and Medigap policies were also concentrated in the summer months but were less frequent and occurred later in the season. No seasonal patterns were evident in coverage switches involving Medicaid, QMB Plus/SLMB Plus, or other public plan types in 1995. The spike in plan movements between December and January was dominated by changes in employer and HMO drug coverage: 37 percent of all persons adding drug benefits that month obtained them through an employer plan, compared with 19 percent from a Medicare HMO. Of persons dropping drug coverage in January, 23 percent left an employer plan, compared with 47 percent leaving HMO coverage. The most common coverage switch in January involved dropping an employer plan and adding HMO coverage.15 In 1996 the picture began to change. Fewer beneficiaries added drug benefits from employer plans and HMOs than in 1995, and more purchased drug coverage from Medigap plans. Almost half of all those losing drug benefits in 1996 dropped them (or were dropped) from an employer plan.
All of the findings presented in this paper are derived from a survey sample and are thus subject to the variability inherent in any such sample. We have employed conservative levels of statistical significance to interpret our findings, but there is always a small chance that a particular finding labeled as significant is really an artifact. Strictly speaking, the study results cannot be extrapolated to the entire Medicare population because we systematically excluded new Medicare entrants, persons who died, and nursing home residents from our cohort. Although we have no reason to believe that such persons were immune to the dynamic forces that shaped prescription drug coverage patterns for the rest of the Medicare population, we have no data to support that supposition. One major limitation of the MCBS is the lack of data on scope of benefits for those with Medicare supplemental policies. We can be reasonably assured that MCBS respondents who had stable Medicaid coverage had generous drug benefits throughout the study period. Employer plans are also thought to be relatively generous, at least compared with the three standard Medigap policies that provide drug coverage. Medigap plans H, I, and J pay only 50 percent of drug costs above a $250 annual deductible and cap total benefits at either $1,250 or $3,000. Almost all Medicare HMO plans offered drug coverage in 1995 and 1996, but the benefits varied widely. This variability in depth of coverage adds further heterogeneity to an already unstable pattern in coverage rates. A final shortcoming of the MCBS is its lack of timeliness. The lag of several years puts policy analysts in the unenviable position of basing projections on historical trends known not to reflect the present and unlikely to persist in the future.
Our findings paint a very different picture of Medicare beneficiaries drug coverage than that described by other researchers. We do find, as others have, that coverage rates improved between 1995 and 1996.16 Underneath the surface, however, is a highly dynamic if not chaotic market for drug benefits. When viewed over this two-year period, the number of beneficiaries finding, losing, and switching drug coverage is almost as large as the number with stable coverage.17 What does this mean for policymakers? The answer hangs on two major questions. First, is the instability documented here real? Second, is the instability voluntary or forced? On the first question, the technical answer is that if you follow beneficiaries long enough, most are likely to have had some period with prescription drug coverage. The fact that the percentage of beneficiaries with no coverage drops from 30 percent to 23 percent when the window of observation extends from twelve to twenty-four months strongly points in that direction. However, the percentage of beneficiaries finding and losing coverage also increases with the twenty-four-month window. Were it possible to look beyond twenty-four months, this pattern might change. But even if losers, for instance, eventually become finders, their gaps in drug coverage are real enough to engender public concern. The issue of forced versus voluntary changes in drug coverage is really about affordability and access to insurance. We find that beneficiary characteristicsat least those captured in the MCBSplay a relatively small role in explaining plan-switching behavior. The single most important factor is the source of coverage itself. In all of our regression analyses, public plans offer more stable prescription benefits than do private plans. Not surprisingly, given the limited benefits packages, beneficiaries with Medigap policies are the least likely to have stable drug coverage. However, contrary to expectations, employer-sponsored plans were not a reliable source of stable drug benefits either. This finding is particularly important given the erosion of retiree coverage in the years since the data for this study were compiled.18 Drug benefits available through Medicare HMOs have also declined in recent years.19 Next to the source of prescription benefits, where beneficiaries live plays a major role in the stability of coverage. We found that residents of the Midwest are much less likely to have stable prescription coverage than beneficiaries in any other region of the country and are at greater risk of losing the coverage they do have. Residents in the West have the most stable drug benefits. Residing in a state with a pharmaceutical assistance program greatly boosts the probability of having stable prescription drug coverage. Likewise, living in urban areas raises the likelihood of finding and keeping drug benefits. These associations clearly reflect underlying differences in access to good prescription drug coverage.20 The accident of geography may ultimately provide the strongest argument for enacting a uniform Medicare drug benefit. Instability in currently available prescription plans adds fuel to the argument that Medicare should include drug coverage. Stable drug coverage would help to alleviate the economic risk that beneficiaries now face when confronted with changes in prescription drug coverage and premium rates in their Medicare supplemental plans. Even if most of the coverage switches we have observed are "voluntary" in the sense that beneficiaries have a choice to retain, add, or drop coverage, the decision to maintain stable prescription drug coverage may not be a realistic option for many of them.
Bruce Stuart is director, Peter Lamy Center on Drug Therapy and Aging, and Parke-Davis Professor of Geriatric Pharmacotherapy, at the University of Maryland School of Pharmacy. Dennis Shea is a professor in the Pennsylvania State University Department of Health Policy and Administration. Becky Briesacher is a doctoral candidate at the University of Maryland School of Pharmacy. The authors thank Steve Long, Marilyn Moon, Susan Raetzman, and Judy Wagner for helpful comments on an earlier draft of this paper. Cheryl Fahlman and Steve Maczuga provided valuable programming assistance. Research support for this work was provided by the Commonwealth Fund. The views presented here are those of the authors and not necessarily those of the Commonwealth Fund, its directors, officers, or staff.
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